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220 The Total Synthesis of Cannabinoids
Until very recently none of the b,1-THC metabolites hydroxylated at the npentyl
side chain had been synthesized
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separation of these two isomers proved difficult by chromatography on a preparative
scale, a chemical reaction sequence was carried out (Chart 1 , 37, 2204 (1972) will be
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all are wrong, or even that all are right. It does mean that all rest on necessarily
unprovable assumptions, all are underpinned by an ontology which transcends scientific
technique. Scientific technique itself rests on faith. It demands that the real world be
viewed in one manner, and that alternate versions of viewing the world be ignored. For
certain purposes, this is very useful. For others, it is not. While the scientific version of
reality offers the claim that it is the real world, as a sociologist, we must say that it is one
particular version of the real world, true or false, according to certain assumptions. If we
do not accept the rules of the game in the first place, then the whole scientific enterprise is
Accepting cultural patterns as valid on their own level is a very useful bias for certain
kinds of purposes. We do not, by doing so, attempt to prove, say, that the American
government is riddled with Communists (if we are studying the John Birch Society), or
that marijuana is harmless and beneficial (if we are studying potsmokers). We do not
mean that they are "true" in the traditional scientific sense of the word. We mean that they
are true in that they are woven into the viscera of the people we are studying, and that they
are extremely meaningful to them. They are true in the emotional sense. They represent
valid belief-alternatives, and they spring from powerful social and psychological needs.
They are part of an ideological and cultural whole, a fabric that is relatively consistent, a
system that is eloquent testimony to personal and social locations. We say that the biggest
slice of the most essential reality of each man is the reality as seen through his eyes. No
matter that two versions of what is right and what wrong will be almost totally
contradictory. Both represent authentic modes of living, ideological positions that are, on
the affective level, inviolable and irrefutable. If we do not accept this principle, what we
are doing cannot be called social science.
One of the reasons why the attempt to understand a deviant or criminal activity from the
first-person point of view is seen as biased is that in the past, the "institutional" or
"correctional" viewpoint has been dominant, that is, the conception that the legal and
moral transgressor has in some measure erred and must be dealt with by agents of
correction. Official agencies of social control have in the past been successful in defining
the climate of right and wrong; their view ( similar to and, supposedly, based on, the
scientific point of view) was imperialistic in that they demanded the right to define right
and wrong for all members of society. Any viewpoint which contravened their own was
(3 of 19)4/15/2004 1:03:03 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 1
labeled biased. If deviance is viewed in correctional terms, we cannot but see the effort to
58 was then hydrolyzed to yield (±)-4 that a subject's total number of errors could range, theoretically, from zero to 405.
Subjects were experienced marijuana users who were also acquainted with the liquor
intoxication. They were administered the test (1) high on marijuana—they smoked two
joints, or 1.7 grams of marijuana (as a comparison, Weil and Zinberg's subjects were
given half a gram as a low dosage and two grams as a high dosage); (2) intoxicated on
alcohol (two drinks were administered, and a Breathalyzer reading taken); and (3) in a
"normal" state of no intoxication. What were the results of this driving test? The overall
findings were that marijuana did not impair motor skills, that there were almost no
differences driving high on marijuana and normal. The total number of driving errors for
the normal control conditions was 84.46; the total number of errors while driving high on
(6 of 34)4/15/2004 1:07:27 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 7
marijuana was 84.49, a trivial difference, well within random fluctuation. (The only
significant difference between the marijuana-high subjects and the same subjects
"normally" was that high users, on the Crancer test, had to check their speedometers
The same could not be said for alcohol. Being intoxicated on liquor significantly
diminished one's ability to take the driving test without error. The total number of errors
for the subjects under the influence of alcohol was 97.44. Crancer, the principal
investigator in this experiment, concludes from it that the drunk driver is a distinctly
greater threat than the high marijuana smoker. He is quoted, "I, personally, would rather
drive in a car where the chauffeur is high on pot than drive in a car where the chauffeur is
high on alcohol."13 However, it is difficult to extrapolate from thus test, done in an
artificial setting, to actual road conditions; Crancer himself designed the test, and found an
extremely close correlation between test scores and actual driving skills. But only real-life
driving experiments will answer these points definitively; in any case, at the very least the
Washington State driving tests certainly cast doubt on the fears of many propagandists
that widespread marijuana use will result in an even greater slaughter on the nation's
highways than prevails today. It is even conceivable that were pot substituted for alcohol
in many drivers, the death toll would actually drop, not rise.
Certainly no one would argue that driving under the influence of marijuana is preferable
to being without the influence of any drug. But Crancer speculated beyond the test-driving
scores in saying that his "feelings and observations, and that's all they are—they are not
scientific conclusions—lead me to believe that marijuana has a submissive effect on
users."14 The effects of the drug subjectively exaggerate the sensation of speed, and the
high driver often thinks that he is going much faster than he actually is. Some of my own
informants will be
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Realities (North Hollywood, Calif.: Brandon House, 1967), pp. s8-1lo; Don McNeill,
"Green Grows the Grass on the Lower East Side," The Village Voice, December 1, 1966,
pp. 3, 21; "Ric," "I Turned on 200 Fellow Students at the University of Michigan,"
Esquire, September 1967, pp. 101, 190-193; Anonymous, "On Selling Marijuana," in
Erich Goode, ed., Marijuana (New York: Atherton Press, 1969), pp. 92-102; Jaakov
Kohn, "Superdealer," The East Village Other, January 10, 1969, pp. 3, 14-15 and
"Midipusher," The East Village Other, January 24, 1969, pp. 6 7, 21; Nicholas von
Hoffman, We Are the People Our Parents Warned Us Against (Chicago: Quadrangle,
6. Charles Grutzner, "Mafia is Giving Up Heroin Monopoly," The New York Times,
September 2, 1968, pp. 1, 49. (back)
7. This raises uncomfortable and intriguing constitutional questions that we do not have
the space to elaborate on. The parallels between growing one's own marijuana and
consuming it in the privacy of one's own home, and pornography consumed in private, are
striking. Since the Supreme Court has ruled that owning privately consumed pornography
is legal, the same demand could be made for marijuana consumption. See the article by
Michael A. Town on the constitutionality of marijuana use as being protected by the right
to privacy: "The California Marijuana Possession Statute: An Infringement on the Right of
Privacy or Other Peripheral Constitutional Rights?" The Hastings Law Journal 19 (March
1968): 758-782. Now that growing one's own has become so important among many
users, this consideration is especially crucial. (back)
8. Michael W. Morier, Home Grown Happiness (New York: Mikus Book, 1967). See
also Robert G. Barbour ed., Turn on Book: Synthesis and Extractions of Organic
Psychedelics (BarNel Enterprises, 1967); this latter volume includes instructions on
preparing and growing a dozen psychedelic drugs, including marijuana, mescaline, DMT,
LSD, peyote, and psilocybin. (back)
9. "Saw Toothed," New Yorker, August 11, 1951, pp. 18-19; however, probably only
one-tenth or less of this bulk would be useable marijuana. (back)
10. Unquestionably the most fantastic of these rumors is the story, in the January 30,
1965, issue of The Marijuana Newsletter, a short-lived mimeographed publication whose
purpose was to "disseminate information toward the legalization of marijuana," about a
form of marijuana called "Manhattan Silver," marijuana grown inadvertently in sewers by
the seeds having been flushed into the sewage system and growing untended (silver
because of the lack of light). The story was a hoax. It was, nonetheless, believed, picked
up, and passed on both by advocates and opponents of marijuana use. See John Rosevear,
Pot: A Handbook of Marijuana (New Hyde Park, N. Y.: University Books, 1967), pp. 42-
43, and Edward R. Bloomquist, Marijuana (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Glencoe Press, 1968),
pp. 5, 14, for two contestants—the first pro- an Plotnikoff, and P is said to be under its
influence. To some degree, we have to admit that the drug is an "objective facticity." It is
difficult to deny a certain degree of factorness of the drug's effect: the drug is not a zero or
a cipher. There are neophytes who smoke oregano imagining their responses are due to the
powers of marijuana. However, suggestibility has limits. Were all of the world's cannabis
magically substituted for an inert substance that looked the same, it would become known
at once. It would be foolish to deny that the drug has its effects. Now, this observation
might seem blatantly obvious. Not so. Because the drug's pharmacology exists only as a
potentiality, within which forms of behavior are possible as an "effect" of the drug. The
effects of any drug are apprehended as subjective experience and experiencing a drug's
effects must be learned. The subculture translates and anticipates the experience for the
neophyte, powerfully shaping the experiences he is to have. The same bodily response
will be subjectively apprehended in many different ways, and, in a sense the "effect" is
different. The important dimension is not simply, "What does it do?" This cannot be
answered until we know the answer to the question, "What does it mean?" What does it
mean to the participant? How do the meanings of individuals relevant to him impinge on
his conceptions of the experience? By itself, the simple physiological question is
meaningless, since prior experiences and learning substantially alter what a drug does.
Another fundamental question connected with, and prior to, the effects of this drug is,
"is the subject high?" The same quantity of marijuana administered to two subjects will
produce a "bombed out of his mind" reaction in one and no response in the other.
Although objective tests may be applied to determine this state, many users who report
being high do not react very differently from their normal state. Many inexperienced
users, of course, are not really sure whether they are high or not, and, as stated earlier,
some users seem unusually resistant to becoming high. The point is, then, that whether the
person is high or not is problematic, and if we want to know the impact of the drug, we
must know this beforehand. The police make an issue of this point; they feel that if the
promarijuana argument on the relative harmlessness of marijuana bears any authority at
all, it is merely because the varieties of cannabis available in America are far weaker than
(3 of 34)4/15/2004 1:07:27 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 7
varieties available elsewhere. The drug may be innocuous, but only because it is the very
weakest varieties to which the American user is exposed. Were the drug legalized, we
would be flooded with extremely potent varieties, causing some of the same kinds of
debilitating and disastrous effects reported in the East:
American-grown cannabis is likely to be a fraud on the hopeful hippie in
that its cann lthough most users
are generally permissive about each individual acting out his own desires—"doing his
own thing"—the refusal of a presented marijuana joint is felt as a rebuff, as is refusal of a
gift in many societies. A refusal generally means some embarrassment, usually with both
parties. It is not only the refusal of a gift, but the refusal of sharing a treasured activity, as
well as possible condemnation of one's activities, which are part of one's life.
Although it might be something of a problem to "psyche out" the pot-smoking
propensities of a potential friend with whom one has, at present, only a superficial
acquaintance, the seriousness of the issue is dissipated once this barrier is cleared.
Marijuana is usually an issue of any seriousness to regular users only in relation to the
nonusing world. Use itself is a form of recreation, an enjoyable activity of the first order.
It is treated as a "fun thing." It is a recreation like watching a film, going to the beach, or
(16 of 19)4/15/2004 1:03:03 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 1
eating in a fine restaurant. It is, both in and of itself, a complete recreational experience, as
well as an adjunct and a catalyst to other recreational experiences. The recreational
character of potsmoking is possibly its most outstanding feature.
A typical intimate, informal (four to ten people) pot party will involve frequently and
typically passing the joint from person to person and staring into space for long stretches
of time, with nothing, apparently, actually going on. Often there is music and everyone
will be intensely involved with the music, and seemingly not with one another. It will
appear boring and vacuous to someone who is not high, especially since he has heard so
much about wild, orgiastic pot parties and he expects something of that nature. It is not
realized that the marijuana experience is, typically, thought of as itself a recreation—being
high is thought of as fun, a state of pleasure. For one who is not high, and never has been,
understanding its appeal, especially at such a party, would be like sitting in a concert hall
and being deaf.
The typical user smokes pot for reasons relating to having fun partaking in a form of
recreation. The idea of being "hung up" on using marijuana is atypical. The most common
level of use of more or less regular smokers is once or twice a week—mostly on
weekends. A twenty-two-year-old law school student told me: "Pot is a form of
entertainment for me—like going to the movies. I don't get any of that philosophical or
mystical or religious stuff; it doesn't change my life. After six days of studying my balls
off in law school, I plan on Saturday to blow my mind. But you're not leaving this world.
For me, it's just fun, that's all."
N O T E S
1. Robert E. L. Masters and Jean Houston, The Varieties of the Psychedelic Experience
(New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, l966),p. 37.(back)
2. A forthcoming book o
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Castagnoli, u abinol content, in certain seasons and places, may approach
what would be near-beer to the boozer. This marihuana is almost harmless
except for asphyxiation from air pollution. The hippie's kick is a psychic
kick. Chemically speaking, the victim often is not smoking marihuana, but
burning underbrush. He is not the victim of a drug, but is the sucker of a
hoax. There is enough of this gyp going on to help support the notion that
marihuana is innocuous.4
(There is some cross-fertilization in regard to the language going on here; Donald
Miller, Chief Counsel, Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous drugs, in an article which
justifies the present legal structure on marijuana, writes: "... many persons report they
obtain no effects whatever when they use marihuana. They are not the victims of a drug,
but merely have been deceived with a hoax. There is so much gyping going on that it
helps support the notion that marihuana is innocuous. Chemically speaking, many ...
'triers' of marihuana really have... become partially asphyxiated from polluted air.")5
The reader is seriously asked to believe that a great percentage of all marijuana users,
even some experienced ones ("the hopeful hippie"), have never really been high, and that
they are experiencing a placebo reaction. Actually, this point serves propaganda purposes:
if anyone who has smoked marijuana has not been damaged in any way, he must not have
gotten high. Thus protected, the antipot lobbyist is better able to defend the position that
the drug is really dangerous. Actually, the position itself is something of a fraud. The
placebo reaction occurs, of course, with no mean frequency, but the greater the amount of
experience with the drug, the less likely it is that the subject has experienced either no
reaction or nothing but a placebo reaction. In fact, the likelihood that a given person who
has smoked marijuana more than, say, a dozen times, thinks that he has been high without
actually experiencing what a truly experienced user would call a high, is practically nil.
The experience has been described in such florid detail by so many more experienced
users that he who has not attained it is eventually aware of it, and knows when he finally
does attain it.
Throughout any discussion of the effects of marijuana, we must alert ourselves to the
complexity of the equation. The simple question, 'What are the effects of marijuana?" is
meaningless. The answer to this query would have to be a series of further questions:
Under what circumstances? At what dosage level? Engaged in what kinds of activities?
Given what kind of legal and moral climate regarding marijuana use? All of these factors
influence the nature, quality, and degree of response to the drug.
Yet, at the same time, we must not exaggerate the variability of marijuana's effects.
(4 of 34)4/15/2004 1:07:27 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 7
Responses are to some degree systematic. We do not wish to suggest t
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